Erotic Films on Television Analysis on the Debate on Its Influence on Youth Essay Example

Erotic Films on Television: Analysis on the Debate on Its Influence on Youth Essay Erotic films on television: analysis on the debate on its influence on youth A term paper submitted in partial fulfillment of MAC 322 Mass Media and Society Akinyele Omolola 10/52HN009 May 2, 2013 Contents Background1 Theorietical framework4 Global evidence of television influence on the behaviour of young people7 Debate11 Change in Attitudes11 Erotic Films on Television and Sexual Violence14 Premature or inadvertent exposure to sexually explicit content19 Sexual Addiction21 The inappropriate acceptance and adoption of non-mainstream sexual practices22 References26 Background Few inventions of the Twentieth Century were more remarkable, more powerful, or more influential in the daily lives of citizens throughout the world than television. That influence grows daily as more and more areas of the world have access to television and the number of televisions per household increases. The average household has the television set turned on 8 hours and 14 minutes daily. For many children, Television has become the second parent, and to some, more powerful and influential even than their real life parents. The average time children, adolescents and young adults spend watching TV each day is two to four hours. We will write a custom essay sample on Erotic Films on Television: Analysis on the Debate on Its Influence on Youth specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Erotic Films on Television: Analysis on the Debate on Its Influence on Youth specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Erotic Films on Television: Analysis on the Debate on Its Influence on Youth specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer To say that television programming has a profound social impact is a great understatement. Television can be a source of good or evil. At its best, it is educational and entertaining. At worst, it is prurient and frightening. It can be provocative, but it can also be mind numbing, as well. Harm from television programming is hotly debated in some quarters. The question of whether television programming harms, and that is a question with which the world is wrestling now, is, in my judgment, really a question of whether television programming influences. Shows depicting violence, sex, and profanity influence. Television shapes the attitudes, outlook, and morality of its viewers. This is not mere conjecture; advertisers know this and are willing to pay vast sums of money because of it. Erotic films are everywhere as illustrated by (Struthers, 2009) â€Å"I put on self imposed blinders as I wade through tantalizing advertisements with Victoria’s Secret models in the margins of my weather forecast. My Internet service provider’s homepage is littered with dating services (â€Å"Hot Single Girls in Your Neighbourhood Looking for Love! ) and my sports websites have galleries of scantily clad cheerleaders. If I watch a soccer match on television with my children, I have to be vigilant to change the channel when commercials for Viagra are aired. In a world that has been hyper sexualized, it is hard to get through the day without being battered and numbed by the intrusions of erotic films. † This is further confirmed by (Sarracino amp; Scott, 2008, p. xii) â€Å"porn is a cultural trend affecting all age groups, all races, and all classes, and that virtually every aspect of ordinary day-to-day life is being shaped by porn. It’s not, then, much that porn has become mainstream, which we often hear, as that the mainstream has become porned. Increasingly†¦we live porn in our daily lives. Although, this study is on erotic movies, it should be noted that erotic movie has no clear definition â€Å"What’s erotic to you is art to me,† Erotic is in the eye of the beholder. Many argue that what is erotic is culturally defined and that culture changes. Erotic refers to art or literature intended to arouse sexual desire by portraying sex in an explicit way. It is a synonym of pornography, sexually explicit material (SEM) and porn. In this paper it would be used interchangeably with those terms. Logically, worldwide there have been thousands of studies about the television’s sexual content showing that the share of sexual scenes on TV is very high, from cartoons to sports news. Television, which has an enormous influence on the audience, holds a great responsibility for the education of the people. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the debate on the influence of erotic films on young people. Theoretical framework Sexual messages on the television can have both immediate and long-term effects. Viewing a television program may change a persons immediate state by inducing arousal, leading to inhibition of impulses, or activating thoughts or associations. It may also contribute to enduring learned patterns of behaviour, cognitive scripts and schemas about sexual interactions, attitudes, and beliefs about the real world. Immediate effects are the focus of Zillmann’s arousal theory. According to that theory, if television content produces emotional and physiological arousal, some type of behaviour is likely to follow. Whether or not that behaviour is â€Å"sexual† depends on both the personality of the viewer and the environmental circumstances. Because arousal is non-specific, it can also lead to aggression, altruism, or other forms of behaviour if the conditions are conducive to those behaviours. Theories based on observational learning and information processing emphasize lasting effects of exposure to media content. Bandura’s observational learning theory suggests that children will learn not only the mechanics of sexual behaviour, but the contexts, motives and consequences portrayed. They will attend to and learn from models that are attractive, powerful, rewarded, and similar to them. Children do not usually act immediately on what they learn from television; instead, they store such knowledge to be used when their own circumstances elicit it. Berkowitz’s cognitive neoassociationist theory was proposed as a way of understanding effects of violent content, but it appears equally applicable to sexual content. Although similar to observational learning theory in many respects, the theory gives a central place to the viewer’s emotional responses as the links between learned media content and later behaviour. As emotional responses to sexual content are likely to be intense, this idea seems especially Pertinent to â€Å"effects† of such content. Huesmann argues that children learn social and sexual schemas (expectations) and scripts for sexual interactions from exposure to television. This view implies that it is important to examine what is learned about the circumstances for sexual activity, communication, negotiation, and decision-making. Scripts and schemas learned in childhood have particular importance as the child grows because young people may not have well-developed ideas and understandings of sexuality. Content viewed later may modify such schemas or reinforce them, but will not have quite the â€Å"primacy† of what was initially learned. Cultivation theory (Signorielli amp; Morgan, 1990) also predicts that mass media convey images of socially normative behaviour and that young people absorb impressions and assumptions about whom, when, how often, under what circumstances sexual interactions occur. All of these theories recognize that effects of this phenomenon are not unidirectional. Children are not just recipients of television messages; they choose the content to which they are exposed, and they interpret the content within their own frames of reference. But, some theories give prime importance to the active nature of viewers in selecting and using media. From this Viewpoint, â€Å"effects† result from availability of content to serve different functions and from understanding the viewer’s interactions with the medium. Cognitive developmental theory is especially important for the topic of sexuality because of the very large age differences in both comprehension and interest in sex. Collins’ research on children’s understanding of violent content has demonstrated that children interpret media content according to their level of cognitive development generally and their knowledge about the content more particularly. Similarly, one would expect children in late childhood, early, and middle adolescence to interpret and react to erotic films on television very differently. In the communications field, â€Å"uses and gratifications† theories emphasize that people use media to serve different functions. If we want to understand the â€Å"effects† of sexual content, we must know why a young person views it. Is that individual looking for information, for arousal (either alone or with a partner), for rebellion (forbidden fruit), or for something else? Global evidence of television influence on the behaviour of young people A considerable body of research from developed countries, particularly the US, suggests that the visual media influence a broad range of attitudes and behaviours among young people and may exacerbate risky practices. These studies have largely followed the â€Å"media-effects† model and explored the impact of the television on certain risk-taking behaviours such as engaging in sex, use of tobacco and alcohol, aggression and violence as well as such other behaviours as adopting new clothing styles and mannerisms, among others. Studies conducted in the US, in the 1970s and 1980s, have shown a consistent relationship between media viewing and sexual behaviour. For example, a study that compared pregnant and non-pregnant girls found that girls who had become pregnant were more likely to have been watching soap operas prior to the pregnancy (Corder-Bolz, 1981), while another linked TV watching preferences to earlier initiation of sexual experience (Peterson and Kahn, 1984). Further, while viewing media with sexual content was observed to be positively linked to the viewer’s permissive attitude toward pre-marital sex (Greeson and Williams, 1986), viewing more sexual content on television was found to increase the likelihood of engaging in sexual intercourse among teens (Brown and Newcomer, 1991). Reviewing the impact of the media on adolescent sexual attitudes and behaviours, Escobar-Chaves and her colleagues found that exposure to NC-17 rated films (a rating that prohibits admission of anyone who is 17 or under into a theatre) increased the likelihood of having multiple sexual partners, engaging in sex more often, testing positive for HIV AIDS, and having more negative attitudes toward condom use (Escobar-Chaves et al. , 2004). Based on their study with adolescents, Brown and her colleagues suggested that sexually explicit media act as a sexual â€Å"super peer† for teenage youth by serving as a readily available and accessible source of sexual information in the absence of significant counsel from family and school (Brown et al. , 2005). In a subsequent study, Brown et al used â€Å"sexual media diet† (SMD), an index of exposure to sexual content in the mass media, to explore media influences on adolescent sexual behaviour (Brown et al. , 2006). Their longitudinal studies revealed that white adolescent girls in the top 20% of a random sample of SMD density when 12 to 14 years old, were more than twice as likely to have had sexual intercourse at age 14 to 16 as girls who had SMDs with densities in the lower 80%. On the other hand, black teens reported a greater influence of â€Å"perceptions of their parents’ expectations and their friends’ sexual behaviour† than what they saw and heard in the media, a finding that points to the need to identify the cultural and social factors that account for apparently large variations in young people’s vulnerability to media influence. Strasburger and Donnerstein also support the view that individual characteristics of young people such as race, ethnicity and family background have not been explored well enough to understand their relationship with media consumption and subsequent influence (Strasburger and Donnerstein, 1999). A WHO study further noted that â€Å"films have created a yearning for romance† and that to be labelled ‘boyfriend’ or ‘girlfriend’ implies â€Å"popularity, coolness and modernity†. Findings also showed that gangster erotic films are particularly popular with college students and dialogues from these films are used in everyday conversations with friends; when combined with the right kind of accessories (such as motorbikes and mobile phones) this not only becomes a style statement but an indicator of belonging to a youth sub-culture (WHO, 2003). Among efforts to study the influence of the visual media on sexual behaviour is a study of 300 school girls in Pune which found a strong correlation between their TV watching habits and involvement with boys (Joshi, 2005). Other studies have reported that adolescents â€Å"select† songs and speaking styles from films and TV for use as â€Å"scripts† in heterosexual interactions (Belaku Trust, 2004). Schwartz found that the media can provide information on fashion, beauty and body satisfaction, and has the potential to provide positive images for adolescents in the process of their social development and emerging sense of identity, of which fashion decisions are a part (Schwartz, 2004). Debate Change in Attitudes The literature on the effects of sexual media content also includes correlational studies in which young people’s naturally occurring exposure to the media is used to compare their attitudes and behaviours. Strasburger and Wilson (2002, p. 177) note that of six studies on the relationship between onset of sexual intercourse and amount of sexual content viewed on television, only one is longitudinal and four are more than a decade old. Nevertheless, most studies demonstrate measurable effects. One study found that teenagers whose television diet includes higher proportions of sexual content were also more likely to have engaged in sexual intercourse. Another study found a correlation between young women’s exposure to music videos and their premarital sex (Huston et al. p. 14, 27). A recent US study of 18 to 20 year old students concluded that greater exposure to sexual content on television correlated with a belief that one’s peers are sexually active and a more favourable attitude towards recreational sex (Strasburger amp; Wilson 2002, p. 159). Given that such studies are correlational, it is equally plausible that sexual content on television teaches such attitudes, that individuals with such attitudes are drawn to watching programs with sexual content, or that both patterns are caused by other external factors. Dr. Mary Anne Layden, co-director of the Sexual Trauma and Psychopathology Programme at the University of Pennsylvanias Centre for Cognitive Therapy, has shown that exposure to erotic films on television on a regular basis is extremely harmful. Layden said there is a correlation between viewing pornographic materials even soft porn on television and sexual behaviour mong individuals. Viewing erotic films leads to, what Dr. Layden calls, â€Å"permission-giving beliefs,† which she describes as beliefs that claim the action the person is doing is Normal, does not hurt anyone and that everyone is doing them. The individual involved, she notes, does not think they need to change their behaviour. She cites the fo llowing examples of such beliefs: that sex is a consumer commodity that can be bought, sold or stolen at anytime; sex is a male entitlement; male sexuality is viciously narcissistic, predatory and out of control; women enjoy degrading sex and womens bodies are just sexual entertainment for men. She notes that college students who continue to watch pornography can adapt these beliefs, which lead to developing a pattern of unhealthy sexual relationships and dangerous sexual behaviour. Prolonged exposure to pornography, Layden says, can even lead to a high likelihood to commit rape. Several experimental studies document changes in attitudes and knowledge among adolescents exposed to sexual media content when compared to a control group who are not shown the same material. They have found: †¢ adolescents who saw portrayals of pre-, extra- or non-marital sexual relations rate these portrayals as less bad than did peers who saw portrayals of marital sexual relations or non-sexual relations between adults; †¢ Teenagers who saw TV scenes with sexual content learnt terms referring to such activities as homosexuality and prostitution; †¢ Exposure to music videos is associated with greater acceptance of premarital sex; †¢ students shown programs containing information about pregnancy and menstruation, for example, knew more factual information than those who were not shown this material (Huston et. l. 1998, p. 14). One can conclude from the small body of research evidence described that exposure to sexual media content such as on television can change young viewers’ attitudes and knowledge, and there is weak evidence of a relationship between television viewing and sexual behaviour and beliefs (Huston et. al 1998, p. 16). However, i t is only a set of ethical, moral or political values which allows us to determine whether these effects are good, bad or neutral (Thornburgh amp; Lin 2002, p. 75). For example, moral conservatives may judge young women’s premarital sex as negative given their belief in the desirability of sex only within marriage, while advocates of comprehensive sexuality education may be more concerned with whether this sex was consenting and safe or coerced and risky. Finally, media messages have more influence if young people perceive them to be accurate, realistic and high quality (Huston et. al 1998, pp. 15-16). Erotic Films on Television and Sexual Violence There is a more substantial body of research evidence on the impact of sexual content and pornography among young adults and adults in general. A wide range of studies has been conducted among young people aged 18 to 25, often populations of youths in tertiary. In terms of the impact of erotic films, one of the most important areas of social concern has been its impact on men’s sexual behaviour towards women, and particularly male sexual aggression or rape. This concern is expressed neatly in the now-famous slogan advanced by some feminist anti-pornography advocates in the 1980s: ‘Pornography is the theory, and rape the practice’ (Morgan 1980, p. 139). In other words, for these advocates, pornography or any sexually explicit material plays a causal role in sexual violence against women, although other feminist (and non-feminist) commentators dispute this. Thus many empirical studies on pornography’s impact concern the question of sexual aggression. Most focus on the attitudes and behaviours of males, driven in part by the recognition that it is males who are responsible for the majority of sexual assaults, whether against females or other males. If exposure to erotic films on television does shape sexually violent attitudes and behaviours, then this is an important inclusion in our assessment of the impact of pornography on young people. Empirical research among adults on erotic films and sexual aggression can be divided into four types, according to two dimensions of the study. First, some studies are experimental, often in laboratory conditions, and involve testing the impact of exposure to pornography on participants’ attitudes or aggressive behaviour; other studies are correlational and involve the investigation of possible relationships between regular viewing of erotic films (in everyday life) and attitudes or aggressive behaviour. Furthermore, among correlational studies, some compare the use of pornography and other forms of erotica by people convicted of sexually violent crimes with that by non-criminals, while others compare pornography use and reported sexual aggression among non-criminals. The second dimension concerns the dependent variable. Some studies focus on factors believed to affect sexual aggression, particularly attitudes supportive of rape, while others focus on sexually aggressive behaviours themselves (Malamuth et. al pp. 41-42). There is considerable disagreement in the literature on erotic films regarding the significance of the existing body of empirical evidence, with some authors arguing for a clear relationship between exposure to erotic films and sexual aggression and others saying there is no effect. However, the application to existing empirical studies of summary techniques or ‘meta-analysis’ does find consistent relationships. Malamuth et. al (2000) integrates the findings of meta-analytic summaries of experimental and naturalistic research. They find that there is consistent and reliable evidence that exposure to or consumption of erotic films is related to male sexual aggression against women. This association is strongest for violent erotic films and still reliable for nonviolent erotic films, particularly by frequent users (Malamuth et. al 2000, p. 53). The authors also rebut claims, for example by Fisher and Grenier (1994), that there have not been any reliable connections found between the viewing of erotic films and sexual aggression. In arguing that there is an association between the use of erotic films and sexual aggression, there are two caveats to note. First, erotic films and shows on television are not the sole determinant of men’s violence against women. Contemporary scholarship shows a growing emphasis on multivariate explanations of men’s violence against women in which it is assumed that violence is ‘a multifaceted phenomenon grounded in interplay among personal, situational, and socio-cultural factors’ (Heise 1998, pp. 263–264). Violence against women is more likely in cultures where manhood is culturally defined as linked to dominance, toughness or male honour (Heise 1998, p. 77). It is more likely to be practised by men who identify with traditional images of masculinity and male gender role privilege, have hostile and negative sexual attitudes towards women, believe in rape stereotypes, see violence as manly and desirable, and are attached to male peers who legitimate abuse of women. Nevertheless, sexually explicit movies on Television clearly play a role in helping foster the kinds of att itudes and values which may predispose some men to rape women. Second, erotic films on television are ot the only important source of sexist and violence-supportive discourses and representations, other type of television programmes and advertisements are also effective teachers of gender stereotyped and rape-supportive attitudes (Strasburger amp; Wilson 2002, p. 164). However, analysis of the 13 comparative studies on this question finds that convicted sex offenders do not use erotic films more frequently than men from the noncriminal general population, and their age of first exposure is not significantly lower (Malamuth et. l 2000, pp. 47-48). One complexity here is that the noncriminal general population includes individuals who have committed sexual offences but have not been convicted. Given the very low rates of reporting, prosecution and conviction of sexual assaults relative to other crimes, one may be comparing a population of known sex offenders with another population wh ich includes unknown sex offenders. However, some differences are evident between offenders and non-offenders in their relationships to erotic films. Compared to non offenders, convicted rapists are more likely to perform a sexual act (such as masturbation, consensual sex, or criminal sex) after viewing violent erotic films on Television, are more aroused by portrayals of non consenting sex and are less aroused by portrayals of consenting sex (Malamuth et. al 2000, p. 47-48). Finally, several studies have investigated potential relationships between men’s erotic films consumption and men’s self-reported likelihood of raping or sexually harassing a woman if they were assured of not being caught or punished. This is a measure of attraction to sexual aggression rather than of sexual aggression itself. These studies find that men who watch television programmes with hardcore, violent, or rape erotic scenes, and men who are high-frequency users of pornography, are also significantly more likely than non-users or low-frequency users to report that they would rape or sexually harass a woman if they knew they could get away with it (Malamuth et. al 2000, pp. 51-52). Early arguments for erotic films’ causal role in rape cited as one form of proof the fact that some convicted rapists had erotic films in their possession or claimed that ‘porn made me do it’ (Strossen 1995, p. 256). . Premature or inadvertent exposure to sexually explicit content Depictions of sexual behaviour may be emotionally disturbing to the individual who encounters them. In the first place, children and adolescents may be shocked, troubled, or disturbed by premature or inadvertent encounters with sexually explicit material per se. They may be at an age or developmental level where they are unaware of and inexperienced in sexual activities. Or they may be unfamiliar with or uninterested in sexually explicit details so that involuntary exposure to such portrayals is surprising and upsetting. A recent survey found that 53 per cent of young people aged 11 to 17 had seen or experienced something on the television they thought was offensive or disgusting (Aisbett 2001). Pornography dominated the list of content reported, although there is insufficient detail to determine whether the material was troubling because it was sexually explicit or because it was offensive in some more particular way. the young people said that they felt ‘sick’, ‘yuck’ ‘disgusted’, ‘repulsed’ and ‘upset’, some were annoyed because the erotic films unexpected and difficult to remove from the screen, and others reported feeling ‘uncomfortable’, ‘shocked’, ‘embarrassed’ or ‘degraded’ by the experience (Aisbett2001, p. 41). One should not conclude from this study however that adolescents necessarily are disturbed by sexually explicit depictions. Two recent American studies found that 25 to 30 percent of children aged 10 to 17 have had at least one unwanted exposure to erotic films on television in the last year, but also found that the majority of them were not distressed by these. Finally, some children inadvertently exposed to erotic films on television are upset not by its content but by the potential reactions of their parents (Aisbett 2001, p. 41). They are concerned that their parents may catch them with this content on screen, may be disturbed by this or may not believe that the sexually explicit material was encountered by accident. In turn, some parents are less concerned by the sexual explicitness per se of the material to which their children are exposed but more worried by the fact that exposure occurs in settings without parental guidance and the opportunity to explain how such material is inappropriate and to place it in a context (Thornburgh amp; Lin 2002, p. 168). Sexual Addiction Psychologist, Dr. Victor B. Cline has described his observations of pornography’s negative effects after years of treating sexual illnesses: â€Å"In over 25 years I have treated approximately 350 males afflicted with sexual addictions (or sometimes referred to as sexual compulsions). In about 94% of the cases, I have found that erotic films on television was a contributor, facilitator, or direct causal agent in the acquiring of these sexual illnesses. I note that Patrick Carnes, the leading U. S. researcher in this area, reports similar findings. In his research on nearly 1000 sex addicts, as reported in his Dont Call it Love: Recovery from Sexual Addictions (Bantam Books, 1991): ‘Among all addicts surveyed 90% of the men and 77% of the women reported pornography as significant to their addiction. ’ I found that nearly all of my adult sexual addicts problems started with porn exposure in childhood or adolescence (8 years and older). The typical pattern was exposure to mild porn early with increasing frequency of exposure and eventual later addiction. This was nearly always accompanied by masturbation. This was followed by an increasing desensitization of the materials pathology, escalation to increasingly aberrant and varied kinds of materials, and eventually to acting out the sexual fantasies they were exposed to. While this did on occasion include incest, child molestation, and rape, most of the damage was through compulsive infidelity (often infecting the wife with Herpes or other venereal diseases) and a destruction of trust in the marital bond which in many cases led to divorce and a breaking up of the family. The inappropriate acceptance and adoption of non-mainstream sexual practices In the case of the third type of potential negative effect, the harm is seen to be associated with the practice itself. Sexual behaviours involving bondage, sadomasochism, trans-sexuality, urination, defecation, bestiality and rape are widely regarded as harmful, immoral or unethical in and of themselves, and indeed some are criminal offences. At the same time, cultural judgements of their acce ptability can be internally complex. For example, while the majority of individuals condemn rape or sexual assault, one in seven young people expresses support for beliefs that condone or legitimate rape and sexual coercion. This is because behaviours such as sadomasochism, bestiality and rape are judged by many commentators to be offensive by their nature; portrayals of these behaviours are also seen as harmful. In the first place, such portrayals involve enacting the behaviour in the sense that the act has to be practised if it is to be photographed or filmed. Moreover, portrayals of ‘extreme’ sexual behaviour may incite, eroticise and give legitimacy to it. Thus, the argument goes, it is inappropriate for anyone to see or indeed produce such portrayals, and it is particularly harmful for minors to view such portrayals because they are still in the process of emotional and sexual development, are impressionable and are therefore more vulnerable to influence. In viewing images of non-mainstream sexual behaviour, children and adolescents may come to see such abhorrent practices as acceptable or desirable and may adopt them themselves. This argument therefore depends on two claims regarding the likely impact of exposure and the ethical status of the sexual practices at stake. One version of this argument has been around for a long time, the notion of the ‘recruitment’ of children into homosexuality. A longstanding concern among conservative religious advocates has been that children are recruited into homosexuality through its ‘promotion’, including sexually explicit homosexual imagery. In addition, some parents may be concerned for example that their adolescent son or daughter, ‘confused’ about their developing sexuality, will adopt a gay or lesbian identity following exposure to homosexual materials. However, there is no evidence that being exposed to sexually explicit materials, or indeed any kind of representation, can change a person’s overall sexual orientation, their attraction to one sex or the other. Indeed, systematic efforts to convert individuals from homosexual to heterosexual using therapy, electric shock treatment and other ‘treatments’ have a long record of failure (Allgeier amp; Allgeier 1995, pp. 506-508). Thus, the adolescent son’s or daughter’s likelihood of developing a homosexual identity is no more (or less) likely following exposure to homosexual representations. On the other hand, if the son or daughter does have access to information which is supportive of sexual diversity, they are more likely to accept their own fluctuating desires regardless of their final sexual orientation. In the context of a silence about homosexuality in their everyday lives, young men and women use erotic films to watch on Television to learn what to do when having sex, to improve their knowledge about sexual behaviour or as a substitute for sexual relationships. There is not yet a body of evidence ith which to assess with any certainty whether young people exposed to eroticised images or accounts of anal intercourse, bondage, bestiality and so on are more likely to adopt these than young people who have not viewed such material. Conclusion There are good theoretical reasons to believe that television and other media can play an important role in educating children and adolescents about sexuality. Media portrayals surround children, and young people are intensely i nterested in sexuality, romance, and relationships. The few experimental studies show that television has the potential to change viewers’ attitudes and knowledge. There is also some evidence that such personal factors as interest in sexual content, level of understanding, perceived reality, and parental mediation modify the influence of sexual messages. Much more empirical work is needed to substantiate the claim that naturally occurring sexual content in the media actually does cause changes

Society of United Irishmen

Society of United Irishmen The Society of United Irishmen was a radical nationalist group founded by Theobald Wolfe Tone in October 1791 in Belfast, Ireland. The groups original purpose was to achieve profound political reform in Ireland, which was under the domination of Britain. Tones position was that various religious factions of Irish society had to unite, and political rights for the Catholic majority would have to be secured. To that end, he sought to bring together elements of society which ranged from prosperous Protestants to impoverished Catholics. When the British sought to suppress the organization, it transformed into a secret society which essentially became an underground army. The United Irishmen hoped to gain French aid in liberating Ireland, and planned an open revolt against the British in 1798. The Rebellion of 1798 failed for a number of reasons, which included the arrest of United Irishmen leaders early in that year. With the rebellion crushed, the organization essentially dissolved. However, its actions and the writings of its leaders, particularly Tone, would inspire future generations of Irish nationalists. Origins of the United Irishmen The organization which would play such a large part in Ireland of the 1790s began modestly as the brainchild of Tone, a Dublin lawyer and political thinker. He had written pamphlets espousing his ideas for securing the rights of Irelands oppressed Catholics. Tone had been inspired by the American Revolution as well as the French Revolution. And he believed reform based on political and religious liberty would bring about reform in Ireland, which was suffering under a corrupt Protestant ruling class and a British government which supported the oppression of the Irish people. A series of law had long restricted the Catholic majority of Ireland. And Tone, though a Protestant himself, was sympathetic to the cause of Catholic emancipation. In August 1791 Tone published an influential pamphlet setting forth his ideas. And in October 1791 Tone, in Belfast, organized a meeting and the Society of United Irishmen was founded. A Dublin branch was organized a month later. Evolution of the United Irishmen Though the organization seemed to be little more than a debating society, the ideas coming out of its meetings and pamphlets began to seem quite dangerous to the British government. As the organization spread into the countryside, and both Protestants and Catholics joined, the United Men, as they were often known, appeared to be a serious threat. In 1794 the British authorities declared the organization illegal. Some members were charged with treason, and Tone fled to America, settling for a time in Philadelphia. He soon sailed to France, and from there the United Irishmen began seeking French help for an invasion which would liberate Ireland. The Rebellion of 1798 After an attempt to invade Ireland by the French failed in December 1796, due to bad sailing weather, a plan was eventually made to spark a rebellion across Ireland in May 1798. By the time for the uprising came, many leaders of the United Irishmen, including Lord Edward Fitzgerald, had been arrested. The rebellion was launched in late May 1798 and failed within weeks from lack of leadership, lack of proper weapons, and a general inability to coordinate attacks on the British. The rebel fighters were mostly routed or slaughtered. The French made several attempts to invade Ireland later in 1798, all of which failed. During one such action Tone was captured while aboard a French warship. He was tried for treason by the British, and took his own life while awaiting execution. Peace was eventually restored throughout Ireland. And the Society of United Irishmen, essentially ceased to exist. However, the legacy of the group would prove strong, and later generations of Irish nationalists would take inspiration from its ideas and actions.

The Power of Positive Thinking Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

The Power of Positive Thinking - Essay Example When a thought feels comfortable in people’s minds, it stimulates the development of neural pathways that turn out to be extremely resilient to transition (Quilliam 21). Over time, people’s routines of thought can turn out to be so profoundly entrenched that they are conscious of how they are nourishing their minds. Notably, how an individual perceives a glass as half full or half empty reflects on his or her general viewpoint on life and themselves. A positive thinking sees the bright side of things and yields delight, health, happiness, auspicious results in life, broadens the mind, and builds skills and healthy relationships. If an individual adopts a positive mind, they train their minds to anticipate noble outcomes, growth and success. Health Benefits Researchers have continued to explore the benefits of positive thinking on people’s health. Existing research indicates that positive thinking have a myriad benefits to an individual’s health. It reduces the risks of cardiovascular diseases in spite of factors such as smoking habits, age and obesity. It also contributes to a longer lifespan, increased immunity to common cold, better adapting skills during hardships, and decreased levels of stress and depression (Mayo Clinic 1). A study carried out on college students at the begging and the end of the semester established that positive thinking is associated with low stress levels. Additionally, positive thinking lowers blood pressure and allows an individual to age gracefully. This is primarily because of reduced stress levels (Mayo Clinic 1). ii. Bringing Happiness and Healthy relationships When an individual thinks positively, he or she is surrounded by auspicious thoughts. This yields happiness, which is contagious. It makes the people that hang around an individual happy too. This also assists people shun negative thoughts and become more optimistic (Peale 32-4). On a different angle, this increases a person’s luck in love. People will accept an individual who is positive and will yield healthy and happy relationships, since they focus on the noble and favorable aspects of the other person (Quilliam 34). iii. Building skills set The benefits of positive do not just stop after feeling happy and healthy. Indeed, the most paramount benefit of positive thinking is the improved aptitude to build skills and develop resources that can be used later in life. For instance, a child who frolics, plays with colleagues and swings in branches outside develops his or her physical skills, social skills of communicating and int eracting with other people freely and creative skills of examining and exploring the world around them. In this manner, the positive feelings of play and happiness trigger the child to develop skills that are essential in daily life (Clear 1). These skills stay for a long time than the emotions that caused them. Later in life, the athletic skills obtained by the child may earn a scholarship into a college or the communications skills attained may assist him or her be a desirable and effective business manager (Byrne 27-30). The joy that prompted the exploration and generation of new capabilities is long gone in this stage, but the skills still remain. Researchers have named this phenomenon as â€Å"widen and build† because positive thoughts widens an individual’s sense of possibilities and opens his or her mind resulting to development of new skills and resources that offer value to other fields and aspects of life (Clear 1). iv. A broad sense of mind and Increased Pos sibilities When an individual thinks positively and experiences positive emotions such as joy, satisfaction and affection,

Current event write up Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Current event write up - Essay Example Perhaps this is because the couples are law enforcers: in the Orange County city of Yorba Linda. As the chief of Orange Countys Human Relations Commission, Kennedy tracks crimes touching the Black people who makeup only 2 % of the countys populace, "but they are the most frequently targeted victims, year after year after year," (Banks, par 4). The story of the Yorba Linda folks hints on an unknown truth. With the intention of not showing the case on hate crime list, shows that the police had handled case as a normal harm. (Banks, par 6). What followed was the formation of small circles by black people who shared their personal stories of discrimination and the pains they went through. Most of the stories were about problems and the brutality they had with the police. Remember, these are the people they expect to protect them from harm. For instance, Bettys grandson for skateboarding in an empty parking lot was detained by the police. A police officer who said, â€Å"I have not seen you around here before," blocked a man new to Brea near his home. Jona Knight-Hall said she was pulled more than three times in 2007, in her new Mercedes. It was always something like â€Å"Your passenger is not wearing her seat belt properly. She rarely stopped in her old car. Nevertheless, you cannot think of driving an expensive car. People look at you like What is she doing with that? "(Banks, par 13). "I felt totally helpless," she said. She once attempted to file a grievance, which was alleging racial profiling. "However there is nothing that you can about it. People act as if you are imagining things that do not happen in the real world. There have been a lot reported cases on police brutality particularly to black guerilla family gangs. These gangs by no means should not be tolerated. The gangs are made up young black American boys who are very young. The issue is the way police treat the gang members when they catch them. Most of the gang members die in

Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard Overview

Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard Overview Elizabeth Rogers Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard History The origins of the Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard, or METS, can be traced back to a 1996 attempt by The University of California Berkley to address the institutions inability to rebind pages of a book once they had been digitized. The program created by UC Berkley, called Ebind, was not successful. However, it paved the way for another attempt at solving this problem, the Making of America II Project. This project, started in 1998, was taken on by several U.S. universities, including UC Berkley (McDonough, 2005). While MOA2 was a step in the right direction towards the organization of digital objects, it was discovered that MOA2 had limited ability to fulfill this role. In 2001, a group of libraries working on digital library development programs decided that a replacement for MOA2 was needed, which led to the development of METS (McDonough, 2005). Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard Importance and Significance When an institution creates metadata for a resource, particularly a book, the metadata can be used to aide users in finding the book, and helps the library keep an accurate account of its collection and holdings. However, if the library fails to create accurate structural metadata, that does not mean the resource is lost or that the pages of the book will be forever separated. The same cannot be said of books once they are digitized. When a book is digitized, each page becomes a separate resource, and before the creation of METS, there was no encoding standard that provided a platform to create the structural metadata necessary to digitally bind these resources to ensure that they would be findable and able to used and evaluated as a cohesive unit (METS: An Overview Tutorial, 2016). Brad Westbrook, a librarian at the University of California in San Diego, describes METS as an XML standard that is a type of digital wrapper. It functions to relate the components of a digital resource (Rose, 2005). METS was specifically created for the digital library community to allow for the digitization and encoding of complex digital objects, like books or presentations. These resources can contain a variety of parts as well as different types of files. For example, one presentation can contain text files, images, video, and sound files. Using the structural metadata elements included in METS, institutions can ensure that all components of a resource are linked, even if they are stored in different places. METS also enables institutions to use structural metadata to control the presentation of resources and ensure that the objects are presented in the way they were intended to be (Rose, 2005). As previously stated, METS was born out of MOA2. METS did not replace MOA2, but rather built upon the work that had already been done. One of the major shortcomings of MOA2 was its lack of flexibility at the local level with administrative and descriptive metadata elements. METS allows for flexibility at the local level with administrative and descriptive metadata, as it does not require either of these to be included in an objects METS document. If descriptive or administrative metadata are used, METS does not require the use of controlled vocabularies for many elements, and allows for the use of whatever metadata element set the record creator chooses, furthering its increased flexibility over MOA2 (McDonough, 2005). Additionally, MOA2 was limited by its ability to encode only texts and still image media. MOA2 was unable to encode audio or video resources. Even in 2001, this would pose a significant challenge to any library with a well-developed collection that was serious about di gitizing all of its resources (McDonough, 2005). METS gives institutions and repositories the ability to encode audio and video resources, in addition to print objects. Finally, METS was created to allow for improved sharing of digital objects between repositories, which MOA2 could not facilitate (McDonough, 2005). Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard Schema Description METS documents are created using XML, so that the document is machine readable. A METS document can include up to seven sections, METS header, descriptive metadata, administrative metadata, file inventory, structural map, structural links, and a behaviors section. The only required, and most important, section for a METS document is the structural map. The structural map defines a hierarchical structure for a digital object, this section is where the relationship between the digital objects files is described. The information found in this section is what allows users to more easily look through a digital object, much in the way a user would look through a physical book. The structural map can also links the objects digital files back to their descriptive and administrative metadata (McDonough, 2005). The structural map is a unique aspect of this scheme because it can be represented by an actual diagram that illustrates the relationships between the parts of an object and the objects metadata. Another unique section of the METS document is the structural links section. This section is generally used in the archiving of websites. It allows the document creator to record hyperlinks between items in the structural map. A METS structural map can show the page hierarchy of a website, showing the relationship between a parent page and subsequent child pages underneath it. The structural links section allows for the recording of links between the child pages that would not be displayed in a traditional hierarchical organizational structure (METS: An Overview Tutorial, 2016). The behaviors section of a METS document is used to record behavioral metadata. This section records any metadata related to software or applications that may be needed to view, or use, a digital object. The behaviors section enables institutions to exercise control over how users experience a digital object. However, this section can also create significant challenges for repositories. Software and applicat ions change consistently and often, rapidly. If a behavior changes, a repository manager would need to modify the record for every object associated with this behavior (McDonough, 2005). The seven required sections of a METS document are also some of the top level elements used in METS. Other elements unique to METS include, structural requirements, technical requirements, maintenance agency, behavior files, and description rules. This is a departure from other schemas that tend to include top level elements that lend themselves solely towards descriptive metadata. In METS, these traditional descriptive elements are found within the descriptive metadata element. Here, elements from Dublin Core, MARC, MODS, EAD and VRA can be wrapped inside METS sub elements to describe the digital work (METS: An Overview Tutorial, 2016). This distinction is important because it reinforces that while METS does allow for the inclusion of descriptive metadata, its focus is on the administrative and structural metadata that is necessary to maintain the objects original structure and presentation. Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard Resources METS Schema Documentation. (2016, August 9). Retrieved March 12, 2017, from http://www.loc.gov/standards/mets/mets-schemadocs.html Schema Documentation. (2011, July 1). Retrieved March 12, 2017, from https://www.loc.gov/standards/mets/profile_docs/mets.profile.v1-2.html METS: An Overview Tutorial. (2016, February 9). Retrieved March 12, 2017, from https://www.loc.gov/standards/mets/METSOverview.v2.html#structlink Rose, Trish. (Summer 2005). METS: A Data Standard for Access and Preservation Now and Into the Future. Digital Letters, 8, 1-4. McDonough, Jerome. (2006, February 1). METS: standardized encoding for digital library objects. International Journal on Digital Libraries, 148-158. Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard Example Alabama blues Lomax, Alan 1915-2002 Recordist Hurston, Zora Neale Recordist Barnicle, Mary Elizabeth 1891-1978 Recordist Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard Conclusion METS was created in response to a void in the Library and Information Science community, with respect to archiving digital objects. Repositories that curate digital objects are tasked with organizing and disseminating a number of resources that can far exceed the collections of institutions with only physical objects in their collections. Once objects become digitized, they also present the unique challenge of taking on characteristics they did not possess as physical objects. In addition to their physical characteristics, these objects now have digital characteristics as well. Ensuring the that the integrity of the objects remain intact is important, if the objects are going to best serve patrons and users. The encoding scheme provided by METS enables institutions to organize and display vast collections of digital objects, while maintaining the objects integrity. METS achieved the flexibility that institutions felt MOA2 was lacking. However, one of the challenges presented by increased flexibility can be decreased interoperability. The lack of controlled vocabularies and required schema elements in METS makes it more difficult for individual repositories to share digital objects that have been encoded using METS. The future of METS will be focused on overcoming this challenge, and working towards interoperability between repositories. Jerome McDonough suggests that the creation of METS profiles by institutions is a step that can be taken on the road towards interoperability. In a METS profile document, institutions can detail restrictions on, and guidelines for, creating METS documents. Institutions can include directions about the schema and controlled vocabularies that should be used in the creation of METS documents. Additionally, McDonough suggests that a METS profile could contain guidelines for the forms that should be used for digital objects. This way, repositories could easily communicate with each other regarding the forms of objects that can accept and give. (McDonough, 2006). The LOCs METS website already has information on developing a METS profile for a digital object and describes the requirements for a complete profile. The requirements laid out by the LOC for a METS profile include information about an objects title and creation date, contact information, related profiles, profile context, external schema, rules of description, controlled vocabularies, structural requirements, technical requirements, tools and applications, and examples. (METS Profile Components, 2011). As more institutions start to adopt this profile format, they will be able to move towards increased sharing of metadata and records. Categories for the Description of Works of Art History Cataloging non-print items has always proved challenging for the Library and Information Science community. The uniqueness of the objects held by galleries and museums makes standardization and interoperability difficult. As a possible answer to this conundrum, Categories for the Description of Works of Art, or CDWA was developed. CDWA can trace its roots back to the early 1990s when it was created by the Art Information Task Force, also known as the AITF. This task force was comprised of art historians, museum curators and registrars, visual resource professionals, art librarians, information managers, and technical specialists. CDWA is the basis for CDWA Lite, an XML schema used to describe works of art that was developed out of CDWA (Categories for the Description of Works of Art: Introduction, 2015). Categories for the Description of Work of Art Importance and Significance The art documentation and museum communities realized that developing a data structure standard for the explicit purpose of describing art, architecture, and material culture was a necessity (Baca, 2007). As the community was developing and changing, so was its need to describe its collections and holdings. Traditional data structure standards and schema, such as MARC, were primarily intended to describe textual works, as evidenced by the data element sets that include elements such as creator and publisher. These elements simply dont apply to visual works of art. In contrast the CDWA includes 532 categories and subcategories directly related to visual works of art (Baca, 2007). It was important for this community to develop a schema that had a wide variety of categories because repositories, like art museums that hold a wide variety of objects. Art objects can include textiles, paintings, pottery, sculpture, and works of architecture just to name a few. With the development of CDWA this community finally had the data structure standard it needed. However, CDWA is not able to be expressed in a machine-readable form. To be able to make this data machine readable, and thus more sharable, another standard needed to be developed by this community. In response to this need, CDWA Lite was created. Now, the art documentation and museum communities had an XML schema that was based off CDWA. Though this schema does not contain as many categories and subcategories and CDWA, CDWA Lite still achieves great depth and flexibility with over 300 elements and sub elements (Baca, 2007). Categories for the Description of Works of Art Schema Description The Getty Institute describes the purpose of CDWA on its website stating, The Categories for the Description of Works of Art (CDWA) are a set of guidelines for best practice in cataloging and describing works of art, architecture, other material culture, groups and collections of works, and related images, arranged in a conceptual framework that may be used for designing databases and accessing information (Categories for the Description of Works of Art: Introduction, 2015). The category/subcategory sets for CDWA are vast and allow for detailed and accurate descriptions of these types of collections and holdings. CDWA has several core categories that are strongly recommended to be included in the description of a work using this schema. While the IATF states that they feel the core categories represent the minimum information necessary to uniquely and unambiguously identify and describe a particular work of art or architecture, they concede that ultimately which core categories to in clude should depend on a particular institutions purpose and users (CDWA List of Categories and Definitions, 2014). The core categories in CDWA are object/work, classification, title or names, creation, measurements, materials and techniques, subject matter, current location, related textual references, person/corporate body authority, place/location authority, generic concept authority, and subject authority (Categories for the Description of Works of Art: Categories, 2014). These categories clearly lend themselves to describing works of art and differentiate this schema from others like Dublin Core or MARC. In contrast, CDWA Lite requires fewer elements, presenting instead a core description of the object (Baca, 2007). Per its website Getty explains that the purpose of CDWA Lite is to describe a format for core records for works of art and material culture, based on the data elements and guidelines contained in the Categories for the Description of Works of Art (CDWA) and Cataloging Cultural Objects (CCO) (CDWA Lite: Specification for an XML Schema for Contributing Records via the OAI Harvesting Protocol, 2006). Records created with CDWA Lite are less detailed that those created using CDWA intentionally, so that they represent the essence of the work. Murtha Baca of the Getty Research institute says The goal of the CDWA Lite schema is to provide core descriptive metadata about cultural works-i.e., an essential metadata record that can be easily shared and contributed to union resources and that provides enough information to enable users to understand what the work is and what instituti on owns it (Baca, 2007). The core categories recommended by the IATF for CDWA are the basis for the twenty-two high level elements in the CDWA Lite schema. In this schema elements 1-19 deal with descriptive metadata and elements 20-22 deal with administrative metadata. (CDWA Lite: Specification for an XML Schema for Contributing Records via the OAI Harvesting Protocol, 2006). Within CDWA Lite, only nine of the twenty-two top level elements are required. These elements are, object/work type wrapper, title wrapper, display creator, indexing creator wrapper, display materials/techniques, indexing dates wrapper, location/repository wrapper, and record wrapper (CDWA Lite: Specification for an XML Schema for Contributing Records via the OAI Harvesting Protocol, 2006). One of most unique features of CDWA and CDWA Lite is that within the required categories and elements, there are recommended sub elements and sub categories. For example, within the creation category for CDWA the following sub categories are also strongly recommended, creator description, creator identity, creator role, creation date, earliest date, and latest date. (CDWA List of Categories and Definitions, 2014). There are considerably more recommended categories and subcategories required by CDWA than other metadata schemas I have encountered thus far. The inclusion of such a wide variety of elements and sub elements is essential when an institution holds objects in its collection that all possess distinct characteristics. Another interesting aspect of this schema is the harvesting ability of CDWA Lite. CDWA Lite records foster interoperability between museums and other institutions that use the Open Archives Initiative, or OAI by allowing repositories to harvest metadata from one another (CDWA Lite: Specification for an XML Schema for Contributing Records via the OAI Harvesting Protocol, 2006). According to Murtha Baca of the Getty Research Institute this is an advantage because the metadata comes from (or should come from) the institution that owns the corresponding objects or items, and is therefore accurate and authoritative (Baca, 2007). As was mentioned earlier, an XML record that is created using CDWA Lite represents only the most core information about the work. This was done to make the harvesting of metadata using this schema achievable and manageable (Baca, 2007). Categories for the Description of Works of Art Resources Categories for the Description of Works of Art: Introduction. (2015, October 6). Retrieved March 20, 2017, from http://www.getty.edu/research/publications/electronic_publications/cdwa/introduction.html Categories for the Description of Works of Art: Categories. (2014, April 9). Retrieved March 19, 2017, from http://www.getty.edu/research/publications/electronic_publications/cdwa/categories.html Categories for the Description of Works of Art (CDWA). (2012, August 9). Retrieved March 23, 2017, from http://www2.archivists.org/groups/standards-committee/categories-for-the-description-of-works-of-art-cdwa CDWA Lite: Specification for an XML Schema for Contributing Records via the OAI Harvesting Protocol. (2006, July 17). Retrieved March 22, 2017, from http://www.getty.edu/research/publications/electronic_publications/cdwa/cdwalite.pdf Baca, Murtha. (Spring 2007). CCO and CDW Lite: Complementary Data Content and Data Format Standards for Art and Material Culture Information. VRA Bulltein, Vol. 34, Number 1, 1-8. Categories for the Description of Works of Art Example 12345 http://www.getty.edu/art/collections/objects/o1091.html 12346 http://www.getty.edu/art/collections/objects/o1092.html 98077 full view, oblique view from the right front corner general view oblique view 1996 98076 detail of the desktop with inlaid coat of arms overhead view detail view coat of arms Metadata Encoding Transmission Standard Conclusion Museums and art institutions recognized the need for a cataloging system that enabled them to accurately represent the works held in their collections which led to the development of CDWA. As more institutions and repositories began to develop digital collections, a new need also arose. Institutions that previously had distinct collections found themselves having the same digitized copies of works in their online repositories. Interoperability, which wasnt as a great of a need before now needed to be realized. It was this realization that led CDWA Lite. Both CDWA and CDWA Lite have element and sub element sets with a great amount of depth that are specific to describing works of art. Within CDWA this allows for the development of rich and accurate records. Within both CDWA and CDWA Lite the element and sub element sets allow institutions to use one system to catalog a variety of works that have dissimilar properties. This need sets this community apart from the library and archival communities which mainly house textual objects. These schemas rely heavily on descriptive metadata, and most of the elements in the CDWA and CDWA Lite element sets fall under the descriptive metadata umbrella. Through CDWA Lite institutions are also able to harvest metadata from each other, enabling museums and art repositories to create accurate and up to date records for digitized works. CDWA and CDWA Lite are still relatively young schemas, CDWA just reached is barely twenty years old. Considering the future of the schemas, one change that may come for CDWA Lite is the inclusion of more of the elements and sub elements from CDWA (CDWA Lite: Specification for an XML Schema for Contributing Records via the OAI Harvesting Protocol, 2006). Adding more elements to CDWA Lite would enable museums to make the metadata for more of the objects in their collections harvestable and would increase the quality of the harvested metadata. It will be exciting to see how this schema develops and continues to improve standardized cataloging and interoperability in the museums and art repository communities. Works Cited: Baca, Murtha. (Spring 2007). CCO and CDW Lite: Complementary Data Content and Data Format Standards for Art and Material Culture Information. VRA Bulltein, Vol. 34, Number 1, 1-8. Categories for the Description of Works of Art: Introduction. (2015, October 6). Retrieved March 20, 2017, from http://www.getty.edu/research/publications/electronic_publications/cdwa/introduction.html Categories for the Description of Works of Art: Categories. (2014, April 9). Retrieved March 19, 2017, from http://www.getty.edu/research/publications/electronic_publications/cdwa/categories.html Categories for the Description of Works of Art (CDWA). (2012, August 9). Retrieved March 23, 2017, from http://www2.archivists.org/groups/standards-committee/categories-for-the-description-of-works-of-art-cdwa CDWA List of Categories and Definitions. (2014). Retrievied March 23, 2017 from https://getty.edu/research/publications/electronic_publications/cdwa/definitions.pdf CDWA Lite: Specification for an XML Schema for Contributing Records via the OAI Harvesting Protocol. (2006, July 17). Retrieved March 22, 2017, from http://www.getty.edu/research/publications/electronic_publications/cdwa/cdwalite.pdf McDonough, Jerome. (2006, February 1). METS: standardized encoding for digital library objects. International Journal on Digital Libraries, 148-158. METS Example Documents. (2016, February 9). Retrieved March 14, 2017, from https://www.loc.gov/standards/mets/mets-examples.html METS: An Overview Tutorial. (2016, February 9). Retrieved March 12, 2017, from https://www.loc.gov/standards/mets/METSOverview.v2.html#structlink METS Schema Documentation. (2016, August 9). Retrieved March 12, 2017, from http://www.loc.gov/standards/mets/mets-schemadocs.html Rose, Trish. (Summer 2005). METS: A Data Standard for Access and Preservation Now and Into the Future. Digital Letters, 8, 1-4. Schema Documentation. (2011, July 1). Retrieved March 12, 2017, from https://www.loc.gov/standards/mets/profile_docs/mets.profile.v1-2.html

Music LessonBrandenburg

Write a brief definition of: Tonality Modulation Harmony Chord Root First Inversion Seventh Chord Oh no it's a Theory Byte Technical Name for the notes of the scale. As LIMIT ACID Key Relationships Key Signatures F C G DAD B Order of sharps C] Semitone above = name of key. BEAD G CB order of flats Name of PENULTIMATE flat = key signature All major keys have related minor – same key signature. Minor 3rd below key note e. G. G major relative minor is E Minor. Circle of Fifths Tonality and Harmony Class work – Discuss: 0 TonalPlan and Key Relationships CLC Modulations L] Analysis of Chords and Cadences C] Circle of Fifths. Private Study Tasks Continue working on your composition using the feedback/targets we discussed. Don't forget Deadline One is 1 9th October. Make sure that your Brandenburg score notes are fully complete as we will be working on questions next week in preparation for an assessment in the final week. Listen to the piece a number of times – use you r annotated score to follow the music.Create a glossary of the key musical terms which link to the Brandenburg Concerto. Add musical examples where appropriate. (Retooling, Basso Continuo, Figured Bass, Flute a beck, Natural Trumpet, Arpeggio, Sequence (rising, falling), Ripen, Concertina, Counterpoint, Tutu, Unison, Trill, Dominant Seventh, Dominant Pedal, Syncopation, Homophobic, Diminished Seventh Chord, Circle of Fifths) Extra help Extra support with composition -? please book a slot of time with me. Period 5 on Friday. Theory Support. Mr. Reed is available on Friday periods 3 and 4.

Political Philosophy and Government Essay

Name SOPA: The Unconstitutional Law Teacher Class/Period Date SOPA is a law that is trying to be passed by the United States of America. SOPA stands for Stop Online Piracy Act. While this may seem like a good thing, there are many reasons it is a bad thing. It is extremely vague, it can kill the internet, and the government can take advantage of this law. One thing about SOPA is it is extremely vague. The law is very vague about what the government can and cannot do. The government can enforce laws that are unreasonable with this act. They can also shut down any website completely. With this act live, the government includes a private right of action with little control over abuse. The government can abuse the power they gain through this act. The government can literally take down any website with links on it with this act live. The government will also be able to censor the internet to their liking. This would resemble the media in China or Syria. The internet would never be the same. Allowing SOPA to be passed would give the government the power to do all of these things. Another thing is many websites would be shut down. Many websites would be wiped out due to SOPA. Many websites protested SOPA due to this. Most of the most famous websites would be shut down. YouTube, Wikipedia, and many more websites have â€Å"copyrighted material. † User created things would be taken down. The internet would also be killed. Most things on Google would be wiped out. Over 90% of the internet is considered a violation to SOPA’s rules. Passing SOPA would completely kill the internet. Passing SOPA would give the government lots of power. Passing SOPA would give the government more power than before! Giving the government more power could result in abuse of power. That’s what happens in communist countries! Passing SOPA would take away some of our rights! The government would be allowed to search our belongings for â€Å"copyrighted material. † The law states that the government cannot commit unreasonable search and seizure. Giving the government more power can result in them taking too much power into their own hands. The more we give, the more they take. Too much power is never good. Passing this law would give the government too much power. While most of SOPA is bad, there are some â€Å"good† things about it. First off, people say it’s good because online piracy is another form of stealing, but while it may be similar to stealing, somebody had to purchase the item so others could use it. Some people also state it is a good act because you aren’t supporting the artist or creator of the item, but in reality, online piracy is by definition, sharing. While stopping online piracy may sound good, SOPA has many bad sides to it. SOPA must be stopped!